This month I decided to review another issue of Instauration. The front cover of this issue displays Vol. 20, No. 2 and is dated January 1995. Also on the front cover are pictures of Jack Kemp and William Bennett. The caption reads “Majority Renegades of the Year.”
As always, page 2 is titled “The Safety Valve.” This is where the letters to the editor are printed.
One letter reads as follows: “Reductio ad absurdum is the process of reducing your opponents’ arguments to pure idiocy. I find it a good tactic in debating liberals. Instead of slashing Israel’s billions, I propose doubling or tripling them! Throwing out illegals will starve babies, you say? Think big! It’s our bounden duty to bring in every last starving baby in the world, along with his or her parents. Reparations for slavery? The only really fair plan would be for Whites to become slaves! Sympathetic to queers? What’s so bad about pedophilia?”
The feature article in this issue is titled “Majority Renegades of the Year.” The voters in California passed Proposition 187, which was intended to prevent illegals from using public services, using non-emergency public health care, and enrolling their children in government schools.
Jack F. Kemp and William Bennett wrote a seven-page screed in The Wall Street Journal urging California voters to vote “no” on 187.
Kemp may have been a star quarterback for the Buffalo Bills, but he was not from Buffalo. He grew up in Los Angeles. He went to Fairfax High School, which was 75% Jewish. His first girlfriend was a rabbi’s daughter.
Kemp served as a nine-term New York congressman. He went on an obligatory trip to Israel, and he always voted a straight Israeli ticket. This earned him the nickname “Yitzhak Kemp.”
William Bennett was born in Brooklyn. He graduated from Harvard Law School. He became President Reagan’s Secretary of Education and President Bush’s drug czar. He did little or nothing to improve education or reduce drug traffic. Then again, in Washington, failure is not necessarily an impediment to a person’s career.
One time William Bennett got into an argument with Alvin Toffler, the author of the book “Future Shock.” Toffler said to Bennett: “If you are Mister Morality, what are you doing living in Washington, D.C. all these years?” Bennett, a notorious gambler, replied, “If you are such a hot-shot futurist, then why are you writing books instead of playing the market?”
Another article in this issue is titled “Racial Views of Early American Socialists.” It explores an obscure corner of American history that I knew nothing about. The heyday of American socialism was 1897-1912. The Socialist Party had over 150,000 dues-paying members. 2,000 of these members got elected to political office. They published hundreds of newspapers as well.
In 1901 the Social Democratic Party merged with the Socialist Labor Party, forming the Socialist Party. This new party encompassed a wide range of political viewpoints, so it developed three factions: right, center, and left.
The right faction was led by Victor L. Berger. Berger was born in Austria. He emigrated to America, where he settled in Milwaukee. He assumed the editorship of Die Warheit. This was the German-language daily of the Socialist Labor Party.
When the Socialist Party was formed, Berger became the editor of its weekly newspaper, the Social-Democratic Herald. In 1902, Berger gave the editorship of the paper to his right-hand man, Frederick Health. Berger continued to submit long articles to this newspaper, discussing party policy. Under these two men, the newspaper attained a circulation of 60,000.
In 1910, Berger was elected to Congress on the Socialist Party ticket. He served two terms.
In 1904 many of the members of the Socialist Party adopted racialist and nationalist views. They appointed Morris Hillquit as the American delegate to the International Socialist Congress. Hillquit, along with the Dutch and Australian delegates, sponsored a resolution calling for the restriction of immigration by the “backward races.” The resolution was defeated.
In March of 1907, a similar resolution was presented at the International Socialist Congress in Stuttgart, Germany. Again it was defeated.
Ernest Untermann was considered the leading Marxist theoretician in America. He claimed that the race question would persist long after the class struggle had been settled. In December of 1907 Berger and Untermann moved to reverse the rejection of the Stuttgart resolution. Berger warned that if something was not done at once, this land “is absolutely sure to become a black-and-yellow country within a few generations.”
After a bit of political horse-trading, they accepted a substitute motion. The motion declared that the International Congress had no power to determine the tactics of national parties. They declared, further, that the American Socialist Party must stand in opposition to Asiatic immigration.
In 1908 the Socialist Party convention provided the first opportunity for a full-scale debate on immigration. The Resolutions Committee finally reached a compromise. Their driving principle was the interests of the working class. Importation of foreign labor was a bourgeois Utopian ideal. This ideal was not to be set above the interests of the class struggle. The party opposed all immigration “subsidized or stimulated by the capitalist class.”
A. Grant Miller of Colorado said that to permit hordes of immigrants to invade the country would lower the level of civilization. Miller claimed, furthermore, that biological facts could not be ignored.
Some of the delegates favored an immediate end to all immigration. Untermann mentioned that exclusion based solely on economic grounds might keep some desirable Whites from entering the country. Untermann proclaimed, “I am determined that my race shall be supreme in the country and in the world.”
The debate continued in the 1910 Socialist Party Congress. The debate lasted for two days. Untermann was a proponent of self-preservation. He gave defense of the American citizenry priority over any Marxist theory. He granted that Marx had called on all working men to unite. This did not mean that they all had to come to the United States to unite.
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